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Saturday, August 19, 2017

Trump and the Infrastructure of Fascism


Posted on August 19, 2017 by Yves Smith
By Gerald Epstein, Professor of Economics and a founding Co-Director of the Political Economy Research Institute (PERI) at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Originally published at Triple Crisis
Infrastructure investment: it’s that economic policy sweet spot that everyone loves to love.
Fixing bridges, building roads, modernizing airports, improving mass transportation, keeping lead out of our water: nearly everyone can relate to the need for it and can imagine how much better their lives would be with more of it.  For years, most people have faced crazy-making delays in traffic, long lines at airports, and have seen pictures of bridges collapsing. And the experts agree. Economists and engineers have warned us about the problem for decades.  The most recent report by the American Society of Civil Engineers gave the U.S. a D+ on its infrastructure building and maintenance, which means that, overall, our infrastructure is in critical condition. These civil engineers estimate that over the next 10 years, the U.S. will have about a $1.2 trillion in infrastructure financing shortfall unless something dramatic is done. Studies have confirmed that, properly done, infrastructure investment can generate millions of jobs, create big time saving efficiencies, and keep people safer. These infrastructure shortfalls, fed by years of Republican austerity initiatives at the Federal and State levels, too often aided and abetted by Democratic bankers and other Democratic “deficit hawks,” are much in the everyday texture of American life.
On the campaign trail, then-candidate Trump jumped on the bandwagon, decrying America’s “Third World” infrastructure and touting his ability to fix it in short order—as “demonstrated” by his “building prowess “in New York City and “around the world.” Trump promised to quickly fix the country’s decaying infrastructure and generate millions of good paying job with a $1 trillion program that will “Make America Great Again.”
That Trump had hit a political “sweet spot” was made clear early on by the number of prominent Democrats and labor leaders who announced not only an interest but real enthusiasm for cooperating with Trump on making a $ 1 trillion building-spree a reality. How could they resist? A true, well designed, well-implemented $1 Trillion government investment in infrastructure is a plan many Democrats, progressive economists and labor leaders had been promoting for years. As Richard Trumpka, President of the AFL-CIO explained: “During my January meeting with President Trump, we identified a few important areas where compromise seemed possible. On manufacturing, infrastructure and especially trade, we were generally in agreement. Mr. Trump spoke of $1 trillion to rebuild our schools, roads and bridges. He challenged companies to keep jobs in the United States. He promoted ‘Buy America.’ He promised to renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement.”
Of course, many Democrats and some economists  understood that  that Trump’s infrastructure “sketch” (he has never come out with a true plan) was quite different from a genuine government-financed $1 trillion plan. From the beginning, Trump’s team had made it clear that this was going to be a private-public partnership in which the government would put in significantly less than a trillion dollars—perhaps  $200 or $400 billion of corporate tax subsidies over 10 years—as a way to help facilitate a privatization of public assets. Think: turning public roads into privately owned toll roads and public tunnels into privately owned toll tunnels. This type of privatization, critics argued, would end up as a typical crony capitalist gold mine, giving away public assets to well-connected and politically pliant capitalists and maybe, just maybe, getting some improved but very expensive infrastructure and a few jobs in the process. But some Democrats and labor leaders were, perhaps understandably, desperate to engage in wishful thinking and tentative support—given the  apparent political pressure from their constituencies.
Still, some observers warned that the dangers of this infrastructure sweet spot were even greater than might at first appear. In an article in Challenge Magazine, “Trumponomics: Should We Just Say No?”  I argued that not only is the so-called “infrastructure” program mostly a thinly disguised privatization scam; it was also a sinister gambit to broaden the political support and therefore the power of Trump and  Trumpism, a proto-fascist regime and movement, whose goal is to undermine democracy, enrich those wealthy capitalists willing to play along, and divide and conquer the domestic population by sowing racial, gender, religious and national hatred and intolerance.
On August 15, this “infrastructure of fascism” came into clear focus in a bizarre and tragic way. Donald Trump marched into a conference room in Trump Tower on 5th Avenue in Manhattan to hold a hastily arranged press briefing on the first formal unveiling of his “Infrastructure” plan. He had key members of his economic team in tow – most notably, Treasury Secretary Steve Mnuchin, Gary Cohn, head of Trump’s National Economic Council—both former Goldman Sachs bankers—and Transportation Secretary Elaine Chao, former Bank of America and Citicorp banker. This announcement of Trump’s “infrastructure plan,” which took only a few minutes, presented even less of a true infrastructure plan than he had floated during the election campaign. This was simply yet another de-regulation plan dressed up as a plan for infrastructure investment. Effectively, this “executive order” served-up a wish list that would have been compiled by any real estate mogul who doesn’t want any government agency or public group to come between him, his building, and his bottom line. In the name of building more useful infrastructure and generating more jobs, Trump’s executive order is designed to let developers skirt environmental regulations, and most likely, labor, health, and safety regulations as well. The Executive Order will make it a lot easier to build more Trump towers in flood plains, but do little or nothing for the country’s true infrastructure needs.
But this roll-out of a fake infrastructure plan was not the most interesting or  surprising thing about this event. It was the press conference Trump held afterwards. Using his Jewish and Asian-American economic team as a  photo-op backdrop and the creation of infrastructure and jobs as his bait, Trump took the occasion to assure his neo-fascist, white supremacist and nationalist base that, yes, he was still their man. The reporters at hand, having little interest in infrastructure, wanted to hear a clear statement from Trump decrying the violent and deadly acts committed over the weekend by Nazis and white supremacists in Charlottesville, Va. But instead Trump used his infrastructure plan and his promise of “millions of jobs” to rally his base supporters, all the while demonizing the counter-protestors (calling them violent members of “the alt-left” who were “at least” as responsible for the violence and mayhem as those on the right).
This event, then, tied, in a sinister but clear way, Trump’s infrastructure plan with the racist, anti-Semitic, and neo-fascist members of Trump’s base movement and linked them, in turn, to the bankers and policy makers like Gary Cohn and Steve Mnuchin who have so much to gain from the tax subsidies and privatization that are the essence of these plans. Gary Cohn was reportedly “furious” about what Trump said and did. But according to reporters, Cohn, like so many Republicans in Congress, will most likely remain quiet, and soldier on, presumably in the hope of getting a big payoff down the road. (Cohn reportedly wants to succeed Janet Yellen as Chair of the Federal Reserve; and his friends have millions to gain from the privatization schemes.)
Trump’s response to the Charlottesville violence led numerous members of his two business councils to resign.   In resigning from Trump’s “Manufacturing Council,” AFL-CIO President Rich Trumpka explained in the New York Times: ” Unfortunately, with each passing day, it has become clear that President Trump has no intention of following through on his commitments to working people. More worrisome, his actions and rhetoric threaten to leave America worse off and more divided. It is for these reasons that I resigned yesterday from the president’s manufacturing council, which the president disbanded today after a string of resignations. To be clear, the council never lived up to its potential for delivering policies that lift up working families.”
Let this be a warning to economists,  labor leaders, Democratic officials and all progressives fighting  for economic and social justice: “progressive-appearing” economic proposals from Trump  are likely to be thinly veiled attempts to suck in unsuspecting allies in support of a neo-fascist, authoritarian movement that is increasingly showing its true colors. They are designed, quite clearly, to build support for Trump and his business allies. Don’t be fooled, don’t be bought off, and be vigilant.
Trade policy and re-negotiating NAFTA are up next. As Robert Kuttner, Editor of The American Prospect told us after his astonishing telephone call from Steve Bannon, Bannon is looking for a “right-left” alliance on trade. We can be sure that, like Trump’s “infrastructure plan,”  this trade alliance will all be in the service of Trump and Trumpism.
Posted by David Barry Temple at 8:30 PM No comments:
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Thursday, August 17, 2017

Charlottesville's America to Germany's Nazism?

Charlottesville in context How Germany responds to “blood and soil” politics

This Economist editorial has strained points to prove that Germany responds to WASP ethnocentric bootlickers and their leaders better than America, but the magazine's editorial neglects to point out the silly Hollywood-minded core of most Americans, from fascism to transgender vegan fetishes; all ethnocentric fluff with little to do with improving one's working conditions. Americans are blindsided by their government, corporate media, and propaganda in school textbooks. 

Statements like "The whole furious display of armed ethno-nationalism from Donald Trump and some of his media cheerleaders" is a sideshow to the dismantling of workers' rights. While children in Germany are reminded of the Holocaust,  the essential part of American children's curriculum is justification for capitalism and how to be consumers; there is little mention of Native American history from their point of view or the 60 million murdered with guns and disease for manifest destiny of the same ilk that created Nazism and European imperialism; exploitation and colonization of the world. That seems to be okay with this magazine. Germany has "little brass squares in the pavements (Stolpersteine, or stumbling stones) containing the names and details of Holocaust victims" and America has Hollywood Blvd. The places that unions were born on the Lower Eastside, Patterson, Lawrence, Brisbee,  may have plaques that no one notices, and a history that is swept under the patriotic rug, not highlighted like Nazism is in Germany. 

"Benjamin Netanyahu suggested that the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem had proposed exterminating the Jewish people to Hitler, she politely but firmly corrected him: 'Germany abides by its responsibility for the Holocaust.'" At least the anti-Israeli author points out Bengy and his apartheid schmucks are just as dumb as Trump at the same time admiring German censorship of Finis Germania, a recently published book "claiming that German identity is being dismantled, excised from some bestseller lists." though condemning hyper-cautious editorial style. Ha! At least Germany allows books condemning Zionism to be published. 

The most disgusting part of this editorial comes at the end when the author talks of America as one of the "countries without Holocausts on their history books [that]can also learn from Germany's grown-up, vigilant and dutiful culture of remembrance." 60 million murdered Native Americans does not qualify as a holocaust to this magazine????? The Economist is the last authority on humanity. The denial of history and selective references to racism are a travesty to the understanding of what's happened to American workers trampled under all the bullshit distractions of all the self-centered trends that liberate no one but perhaps the man or woman in the mirror.  

"Hate speech" has brought out more progressive organization, but the right to demand better pay for workers by having rallies or marching in picket lines is more difficult than getting permits for "free speech" marches. Get real and know what the fight is for: a living wage. Fight NAFTA, not only bootlickers.  


Posted by David Barry Temple at 5:09 PM No comments:
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Wednesday, August 16, 2017

Remembering Who the Enemy Is


Image may contain: meme and text
Though Trump's callous reminding Americans Washington and Jefferson had slaves daring listeners to tear down their statues, too, the grain of truth remains that the U.S. has always been a racist WASP ruling class with slavery and immigrants allowed in for slave wages to enrich the magnates of the Gilded Age. It is only through the countering of industrial labor unions that fought for civil rights and better working conditions that there was push-back on the domination.

 Heather Heyer was a Wobbly, still out there, not pussyfooting with bullshit Democrat Push-Me-Pull-You politics. 

There was a Facebook friend who constantly posted doomsday memes. I wrote a private IM to him saying I was stopping getting notifications from him because, though I agreed with all his memes, I was worried about him and it was depressing me. Preaching from the choir is not want I need from Facebook. Facebook is my news source in Taiwan. I read what I want to see and comment on or ignore what I consider lies or negativity, “fear mongering” I call it. I also don’t like memes insulting Trump or his cabinet because that is a distraction from progressive direct action. My 'friend' read my IM but didn’t respond privately; he commented to my timeline, a comment that didn’t go through because I had already unfollowed him. 

My urging to all who read my posts is to become radicalized, join the IWW, forget democracy ever happening in The U.S.; "The fish stinks from the head." Tearing down Confederate Statues is reactionary; both sides in the Civil War claimed six-hundred thousand lives; Lincoln was a racist, too, and only used the abolition of slavery politically. 

 Americans should be looking for a new socialist candidate for the presidential election in 2020; Bernie Sanders proved he is a coward. Maybe Dr. Cornel West can run or someone who bored into the system with a chance of winning. Sanders blew it big time. Now is the time for Americans to radicalize themselves and go underground with guerrilla warfare. Read Ho Chi-Min's philosophy on fighting imperialism. 

As the division  spirals out of control, only common people will suffer, bootlicking racists and love-me liberals alike. The ACLU defended the petition to march in Charoletteville and rightfully won them free speech. 

"Hate speech" has brought out more progressive organization, but the right to demand better pay for workers by having rallies or marching in picket lines is more difficult than getting permits for "free speech" marches. Get real and know what the fight is for: a living wage. Fight NAFTA, not only bootlickers.  


Here is something more important from Liana Foxvog and 
Today — with Congress on recess and many movement organizers cleared out of town for vacation — trade negotiators from the United States, Canada and Mexico are kicking off NAFTA negotiations in Washington, D.C. For the next five days, they will meet behind closed doors for part one of seven negotiation rounds to lay out the future of NAFTA.

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has meant job loss, the degradation of local economies in all three countries, and increased power for multinational corporations. And there are no indications from the Trump Administration that a new NAFTA will mean anything better than that.

During these negotiations, join us in demanding a better deal for working people. Send a letter to your members of Congress now.

Progressive organizations representing millions of members have come together in one voice to demand the elimination of the anti-democratic Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) rules that let corporations sue governments — before a panel of corporate lawyers — for unlimited compensation, if they think labor, environmental or other regulations have damaged their bottom line. Taxpayers from the three NAFTA countries have already paid hundreds of millions of dollars to corporations following attacks on toxic bans, environmental and public health policies, and more.

There is one clear litmus test to judge whether NAFTA or any other agreement has been hijacked by special interests to expand corporate power: Does the deal include ISDS? ISDS must be removed from any NAFTA renegotiation and should not be included in any future agreement.

Click here to ask your members of Congress to oppose any NAFTA renegotiation — or any other agreement — that includes ISDS.

In solidarity,
Liana Foxvog






Posted by David Barry Temple at 6:06 PM No comments:
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Why ‘Corporate Responsibility’ Campaigns Fail

Why ‘Corporate Responsibility’ Campaigns Fail

Despite decades of outrage over sweatshops and slave labor, the problems in the global supply chains remain.

By Michelle ChenTwitter

AUGUST 10, 2017

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Bangladesh garment factory
Garments worker working inside a factory in Gazipur in Bangladesh. (Sony Ramany / Sipa USA via AP)
 

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Oddly, in an age of global cosmopolitanism, “corporate social responsibility” campaigns, and technocratic regulations, we haven’t evolved out of medieval labor practices like enslavement and child labor. But could technology hold the key to cleaning up the global supply chain?
The tech-driven research organization Verité has been working on tools for both consumers and industry policy-makers to improve corporate accountability in the supply chain, and provide the public with a global view of the root causes of exploitation and abuse.
Verité’s latest project, Know the Chain (KTC), a collaboration of a coalition of human-rights NGOs, connects industry supply-chain data with policy changes aimed at curbing corporate abuse. In addition to assessing different global industries, including food and beverage, electronics, apparel and footwear, KTC scores individual companies according to benchmarks for progress.
By any measure, the results are grim. Apparel scored 46 on a scale of 100 on various criteria for labor-rights standards, showing little transparency or accountability on issues like forced labor and trafficking. Information and communications technology scored 39 percent, followed by food and beverage at just 30 points.

PHOTO ESSAY

The Nation
THESE PHOTOS SHOW THE PEOPLE WHO TURN A COTTON PLANT INTO YOUR JEANS
Meta Krese and Jošt Franko
Though data alone are no solution, traceability itself can be a tool for understanding root causes and developing realistic accountability standards. For average shoppers, Verité’s digital mapping breaks down complex global structures to elucidate how everyday brands practice their ethics, or fail to do so. This includes fashion labels that have proven relatively sensitive to public scrutiny over “sweatshop labor” and human-rights campaigns.
According to Shawn MacDonald, CEO of Verité, the ubiquitous brand claims of “sweatshop free” and “sustainable” manufacturing are almost meaningless today, given the paucity of comprehensive data and the widespread knowledge that labor-rights violations are endemic to all global manufacturing systems. For technologists, the question is, “How do we sort through how much of this is real and how much of this is just rhetoric on the part of the company?” In many industries virtually every brand is tainted in some way with slave labor, he notes. So the question should be whether companies claiming to be “industry leaders” are really changing the status quo: “Can they point to real impact and change? Or can they only point to inputs: ‘Oh, we did X number of audits and X number of trainings’? Fine, but what does that lead to?”
Verité’s data shed light primarily on what we don’t acknowledge—including a systematic lack of worker voices in controlling labor conditions. KTC notes that “engaging and empowering workers is crucial” for addressing everyday labor violations in under-regulated factories. But parent companies tend to offer only the appearance of encouraging worker representation, while doing little to invest in protecting real freedom of association. This enables contractors overseas to readily gain stamps of approval for workplace conditions that are monitored only through periodic inspections by a management-approved third-party auditor, as opposed to listening to a shop steward’s independent reports.
In many supply chains it has proven nearly impossible to trace exactly where a product’s components originate, despite standards claimed in corporate codes of conduct. For example, apparel giant H&M, with the stated aim of “promoting systemic change in entire countries and our industry,” seeks to achieve “100 percent traceability in its cotton supply chain” by 2020. Yet, with some 1.6 million workers across more than 800 suppliers worldwide, a fundamental challenge is understanding what transparency even means in such a vast system.
A recent report by the Fair Labor Association found that cotton supply chains were rife with exploitation, primarily because of the endemic use of subcontracted child labor in cotton fields in Turkey, and that “companies policing for human rights infractions are often unable to complete the job, falling short of achieving full supply chain traceability or transparency.”
Despite the lack of available data and inconsistency of corporate reporting, open reporting and data mapping of these industries provide a baseline for civil society to set benchmarks for reform.
A first step would simply be communicating human-rights policies to workers in their native languages, which facilitates community education and labor-rights training at the grassroots. To that end, Verité has also partnered with community and labor groups to train workers on how to exercise their rights at work independently, so that they can monitor their workplaces when corporate auditors can’t.
Beyond providing community education, KTC argues that in regions with weak labor regulation workplaces can establish alternative mechanisms for labor negotiation. Worker-advocacy groups can foster solidarity and communicate directly with the multinational parent company independently of the supplier company. The UK-based Primark brand, for example, has worked with the Tamil Nadu–based NGO SAVE to launch community-based worker-empowerment groups, which “educate workers on their rights and the use of negotiation tactics with management,” while offering workers a grievance mechanism fielded through local representatives. Independently, groups like Workers Rights Consortium and International Labor Rights Forum help link grassroots activist networks with unions to support autonomous labor movements in the Global South.
The most comprehensive instruments of accountability remains government, international regulatory bodies, and public institutions. The United States and Europe have made moderate progress on the issue through “fair procurement” policies that ban the import of taxpayer-funded products that are shown to involve child labor and other violations.
Congress recently enacted the Tariffs Act, banning the imports of products linked to forced labor. Universities and some local governments have implemented similar policies to keep taxpayer-funded purchases “sweatshop free.” Nonetheless, many of these policies are simply guidelines, not binding rules. Similarly, International Labor Organization labor standards should prevent supply-chain abuses, but, as the United Nations body has no enforcement power, compliance rests on the industry’s willingness.
For consumers and civil-society groups, data can illuminate a fuller picture of how deeply industries are failing to follow basic human-rights principles, even as they sop up billions in profits from us. And with such complex structural economic issues at stake, it becomes clear that the private sector can’t police itself.
Corporate-led efforts can help frame solutions, but in the long run, MacDonald concludes, “It’s not for companies to solve the problems. It’s for companies to not be part of the problem and for governments to solve the problems.”
But the global economy, in which the public, private, consumer, and corporate spheres all intersect, in MacDonald’s words, works as “an ecosystem. You need all these things firing at once.” Unless many civil-society institutions collectivize pressure from labor unions, consumer activists, and the state, “nothing moves…. If there isn’t constant pressure and constant spotlights on it, then it’s easy to roll backwards.”
Posted by David Barry Temple at 8:03 AM No comments:
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Sunday, July 30, 2017

A Leftist Can Be a Fascist, Too.

      I’m listening to a conference call about the election in Venezuela as Venezuelans elect candidates for the National Constituent Assembly; the panel of commentators is discussing what this election really means for Venezuelans and the world. As the U.S. spreads its devil’s sulfur around the world oppressing people’s representative governments, governments for the people’s good, not corporate good, the left cannot ever let its guard down. Neo-colonialism must be fought for indigenous people’s rights to a living wage without exploitation. But the Venezuelan revolution hasn't received unanimous support from progressive people around the world. Why is this? 
On the left, there is too much division and swaying to oblige one's capitalist upbringing subverted by propaganda and guilt. I have to fight off comfortable feelings towards worker exploitation by apologists supporting neo-liberal policies of international sweatshops; who doesn’t like inexpensive products. Who can resist the carbon monoxide producing comfort of private vehicles?
But there is another casualty in the propaganda war between socialist and capitalist supporters; that it is correct for “progressive” people to insult conservatives who occasionally speak some truth. Let me give you an example about a fellow ex-pat who posted a video on Facebook from a Trump supporting “fascist.” I ended our dialogue and unfriending him.
     Someone from Taipei posted a meme of a young Trump supporter who argued that dictionaries have changed their definition of “fascist” over the past few years and made the word decidedly “rightist,” a word that means nothing and is not the opposite of a leftist. The ex-pat's goal in posting the video was to show how convoluted Trump supporters are by saying that Black Block violence at G20 was just as fascist by not allowing the leaders of the capitalist world to speak their minds, a trait attributed to “fascist” in old and new English dictionaries alike. 
     My fellow ex-pat from Taipei  didn’t like my agreeing with any point of the Trump supporter. I wrote, “He's only correct that dictionaries shouldn't change their definitions so suddenly; they usually evolve over time.” I commented about the Nazi fascism mentioned in the Facebook video, but the anti-Trump ex-pat was having none of it: “So what you're saying is he's wrong about Hitler because it's only true for a segment of society? Seems like you're grasping for something.” It was then I realized this ex-pat was hostile to my neutral comment. However, I commented further, but it only seemed to upset him more; his goal in posting the meme was being ignored by me and he was upset. He responded rudely: “To spin zone the point of the video into some weird ass history lecture about Hitler.” I asked if he was a fascist by not allowing me my opinion; he denied he was, but he is as fascist as the Trump supporter. He proved the dictionary revision was wrong; a leftist can be a fascist, too; it's called "totalitarianism."
A few weeks ago there was another Facebook incident that drew me in; a viewer from an anarchist group posted, gleefully, a video of a pedestrian in a street action in Venezuela who blind-sided a national guardsman smashing him in the face with a motorcycle helmet. I commented that this guardsman was trying to stop sabotage against civilians by agent provocateurs who are funded by U.S. CIA anti-revolutionary forces who don’t want to lose lucrative exploitation for their corporate sponsors. When I pointed this out, the foolish “anarchist” responded “Kill all the police.”
In these and other confrontations on Facebook with cyber-friends, the element of workers’ rights is side-stepped altogether. What was the root of disgust about the G20 Summit in Germany should not be lost in the violence; it was against the exploitation of workers through the system we have known all our lives, top-down profit motive from business owners in commercial capitalism; workers aren’t being paid enough to support themselves or their families.

There is no black and white in reason; what is wrong for the right is wrong for the left. Not all police are bad if they represent a people’s government. Not all Trump supporters are stupid when they point out a liberal conspiracy to change the definition of “fascist” in new editions of English dictionaries. 
Posted by David Barry Temple at 7:11 PM 3 comments:
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Tuesday, July 11, 2017

Facebook Wasteland in Taiwan and Beyond

「Facebook funny logos」的圖片搜尋結果
      I rarely write any political or proletarian commentary these days; perhaps once a month in taIWWan blog, posted on Facebook. I even stopped updating taIWWan news about Taiwan workers' conditions since, with an average of twenty viewers, it isn't worth the effort. I am even censored by a few Taiwan news in English Facebook groups that don't like my point-of-view. I don’t comment on the news in Taiwan English newspapers, contribute to  English supreme "Chinglish" postings from those whose Chinese is just as laughable,  or buy from ex-pat entrepreneur carpetbaggers, or respond to CIA wannabe blogs. I’m not going to fuel anyone’s ambition or burst anyone’s bubble. I exposed my political views in my novels, education blog, and travel and restaurant reviews, but I couldn’t resist trolling some crap I read supporting U.S. voting to sell Taiwan more advanced weapons but chiding China’s displeasure. “Protect Taiwan from the U.S.” I commented. 
      In Taiwan there’s another issue; beyond the corruption inherent in Chinese society. The U.S. CIA is here to stifle any eye-opening to the fact that the future of Taiwan is in Taiwanese own hands. China is between a rock and a hard place reluctantly supporting their class enemy, the KMT, the only party partial to unification. What else can the PRC do that won’t throw the people of Taiwan into the chaos of war with the U.S.? Something has got to give one day, but not today. 
     “General Strike. Boycott. Stop buying non essential goods,” was another Facebook message I was going to write but erased, “First understand 911 was an inside job; the rest is easy,” was another. I personally practice what I preach, all but the $2300 in federal taxes the U.S. takes from me, against my will, every year. I keep my citizenship and am eligible to the Social Security benefits I earned.      But on Facebook, there is nothing I can say and no one who would listen who doesn’t already know the truth, so why bother telling anyone. I see the videos and read news on Facebook from non-corporate sources; protesters being stopped from protesting, abused by police in Hamburg at the G20 Summit of capitalist oppressors. Perhaps the violent frustration should be saved for the police at their homes; it is impossible to beat them head on. Only vigilante action is useful; guerrilla warfare. Words are nothing as they are twisted by the corporate media anyway. Go underground. Only organizing clandestinely is useful; it always has been that way in a futile state, call it “futilism- the state where nothing could stop oppression.” Only protracted underground resistance could be helpful in bringing social service and a living wage to oppressed people.
I commented on a meme that came up on my Facebook timeline recently. It said, “Let’s spend more than half of our taxes to drone bomb kids, kill millions of civilians in the Middle World, increase domestic surveillance, and send our troops to die so a few weapons contractors and oil executives can profit, but if someone suggests that we should use our money to fund education or health care, it’s socialism and we’re all lazy moochers who just want things for free.”
I wrote, “Boycott American made products” but when a former student in my Bread & Roses Social Action Club at FDR high school responded, “”Everything I buy is from China,” I admitted that I had forgotten I was writing my comment to Americans such as him, too. I corrected myself: “Well you know what to do then, don’t you?” He wrote that he recalled it was something I had said in the Bread & Roses Club. “It was during the time we brought up buying those t-shirts, but I don’t remember.”
I joked that I was waiting for a correct answer or his membership in the club may be revoked.
“I guess it was ‘hand-make your own product,’ I think.”
“Buy Union-made, dude! LOL”, I answered, snickering more than laughing.
“Close enough for me,” he said.
“You’re fired!” I shouted.
“Now you sound like Donald Trump,” he responded without realizing that is exactly what I was trying to do. That’s America for you; so dumbed down even the minuscule number of students I agitated and educated don’t remember what for.
     Now that the G20 Summit is over, capitalist ruling class talking heads can shoot the messenger for bringing the message, they can ignore the writing on the wall, they can criticize the desperate action of people who love the earth and our people and continue to be bulls in china shops blaming the plates for crashing at their party.
     The time travelers in my third novel still haven’t met kachina in Key West. The end of the novel is in sight; maybe another one hundred pages. After they meet and travel to Cuba to meet the conquistador that brought the Moor to the New World, the kachina’s doppelganger reunites with himself to subvert the conquest as Leon, Earl Peg, and Gail’s descendants go further back, thirty-five year to 1492 to Columbus, agitate a mutiny against him, somehow remove the Canary Islands as a watering station across the Atlantic so as to delay European exploitation and annihilation of indigenous Americans. I’m not sure how that will go but that will be a book ender. The next book would start with ending European exploitation of Africa, the Crusades, the Hordes, and the fuck-offs that used Jesus' words for their own purposes.  
Posted by David Barry Temple at 6:45 PM No comments:
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INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD

INDUSTRIAL WORKERS OF THE WORLD
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I.W.W. Preamble


The working class and the employing class have nothing in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of the working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things of life.
Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world organize as a class, take possession of the means of production, abolish the wage system, and live in harmony with the Earth.
We find that the centering of the management of industries into fewer and fewer hands makes the trade unions unable to cope with the ever growing power of the employing class. The trade unions foster a state of affairs which allows one set of workers to be pitted against another set of workers in the same industry, thereby helping defeat one another in wage wars. Moreover, the trade unions aid the employing class to mislead the workers into the belief that the working class have interests in common with their employers.
These conditions can be changed and the interest of the working class upheld only by an organization formed in such a way that all its members in any one industry, or in all industries if necessary, cease work whenever a strike or lockout is on in any department thereof, thus making an injury to one an injury to all.
Instead of the conservative motto, "A fair day's wage for a fair day's work," we must inscribe on our banner the revolutionary watchword, "Abolition of the wage system."
It is the historic mission of the working class to do away with capitalism. The army of production must be organized, not only for everyday struggle with capitalists, but also to carry on production when capitalism shall have been overthrown. By organizing industrially we are forming the structure of the new society within the shell of the old.
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