A Leftist Can Be a Fascist, Too.

      I’m listening to a conference call about the election in Venezuela as Venezuelans elect candidates for the National Constituent Assembly; the panel of commentators is discussing what this election really means for Venezuelans and the world. As the U.S. spreads its devil’s sulfur around the world oppressing people’s representative governments, governments for the people’s good, not corporate good, the left cannot ever let its guard down. Neo-colonialism must be fought for indigenous people’s rights to a living wage without exploitation. But the Venezuelan revolution hasn't received unanimous support from progressive people around the world. Why is this? 

On the left, there is too much division and swaying to oblige one's capitalist upbringing subverted by propaganda and guilt. I have to fight off comfortable feelings towards worker exploitation by apologists supporting neo-liberal policies of international sweatshops; who doesn’t like inexpensive products. Who can resist the carbon monoxide producing comfort of private vehicles?

But there is another casualty in the propaganda war between socialist and capitalist supporters; that it is correct for “progressive” people to insult conservatives who occasionally speak some truth. Let me give you an example about a fellow ex-pat who posted a video on Facebook from a Trump supporting “fascist.” I ended our dialogue and unfriending him.

     Someone from Taipei posted a meme of a young Trump supporter who argued that dictionaries have changed their definition of “fascist” over the past few years and made the word decidedly “rightist,” a word that means nothing and is not the opposite of a leftist. The ex-pat's goal in posting the video was to show how convoluted Trump supporters are by saying that Black Block violence at G20 was just as fascist by not allowing the leaders of the capitalist world to speak their minds, a trait attributed to “fascist” in old and new English dictionaries alike. 

     My fellow ex-pat from Taipei  didn’t like my agreeing with any point of the Trump supporter. I wrote, “He's only correct that dictionaries shouldn't change their definitions so suddenly; they usually evolve over time.” I commented about the Nazi fascism mentioned in the Facebook video, but the anti-Trump ex-pat was having none of it: “So what you're saying is he's wrong about Hitler because it's only true for a segment of society? Seems like you're grasping for something.” It was then I realized this ex-pat was hostile to my neutral comment. However, I commented further, but it only seemed to upset him more; his goal in posting the meme was being ignored by me and he was upset. He responded rudely: “To spin zone the point of the video into some weird ass history lecture about Hitler.” I asked if he was a fascist by not allowing me my opinion; he denied he was, but he is as fascist as the Trump supporter. He proved the dictionary revision was wrong; a leftist can be a fascist, too; it's called "totalitarianism."

A few weeks ago there was another Facebook incident that drew me in; a viewer from an anarchist group posted, gleefully, a video of a pedestrian in a street action in Venezuela who blind-sided a national guardsman smashing him in the face with a motorcycle helmet. I commented that this guardsman was trying to stop sabotage against civilians by agent provocateurs who are funded by U.S. CIA anti-revolutionary forces who don’t want to lose lucrative exploitation for their corporate sponsors. When I pointed this out, the foolish “anarchist” responded “Kill all the police.”

In these and other confrontations on Facebook with cyber-friends, the element of workers’ rights is side-stepped altogether. What was the root of disgust about the G20 Summit in Germany should not be lost in the violence; it was against the exploitation of workers through the system we have known all our lives, top-down profit motive from business owners in commercial capitalism; workers aren’t being paid enough to support themselves or their families.

There is no black and white in reason; what is wrong for the right is wrong for the left. Not all police are bad if they represent a people’s government. Not all Trump supporters are stupid when they point out a liberal conspiracy to change the definition of “fascist” in new editions of English dictionaries. 

Facebook Wasteland in Taiwan and Beyond

      I rarely write any political or proletarian commentary these days; perhaps once a month in taIWWan blog, posted on Facebook. I even stopped updating taIWWan news about Taiwan workers' conditions since, with an average of twenty viewers, it isn't worth the effort. I am even censored by a few Taiwan news in English Facebook groups that don't like my point-of-view. I don’t comment on the news in Taiwan English newspapers, contribute to  English supreme "Chinglish" postings from those whose Chinese is just as laughable,  or buy from ex-pat entrepreneur carpetbaggers, or respond to CIA wannabe blogs. I’m not going to fuel anyone’s ambition or burst anyone’s bubble. I exposed my political views in my novels, education blog, and travel and restaurant reviews, but I couldn’t resist trolling some crap I read supporting U.S. voting to sell Taiwan more advanced weapons but chiding China’s displeasure. “Protect Taiwan from the U.S.” I commented. 

      In Taiwan there’s another issue; beyond the corruption inherent in Chinese society. The U.S. CIA is here to stifle any eye-opening to the fact that the future of Taiwan is in Taiwanese own hands. China is between a rock and a hard place reluctantly supporting their class enemy, the KMT, the only party partial to unification. What else can the PRC do that won’t throw the people of Taiwan into the chaos of war with the U.S.? Something has got to give one day, but not today. 

     “General Strike. Boycott. Stop buying non essential goods,” was another Facebook message I was going to write but erased, “First understand 911 was an inside job; the rest is easy,” was another. I personally practice what I preach, all but the $2300 in federal taxes the U.S. takes from me, against my will, every year. I keep my citizenship and am eligible to the Social Security benefits I earned.      But on Facebook, there is nothing I can say and no one who would listen who doesn’t already know the truth, so why bother telling anyone. I see the videos and read news on Facebook from non-corporate sources; protesters being stopped from protesting, abused by police in Hamburg at the G20 Summit of capitalist oppressors. Perhaps the violent frustration should be saved for the police at their homes; it is impossible to beat them head on. Only vigilante action is useful; guerrilla warfare. Words are nothing as they are twisted by the corporate media anyway. Go underground. Only organizing clandestinely is useful; it always has been that way in a futile state, call it “futilism- the state where nothing could stop oppression.” Only protracted underground resistance could be helpful in bringing social service and a living wage to oppressed people.

I commented on a meme that came up on my Facebook timeline recently. It said, “Let’s spend more than half of our taxes to drone bomb kids, kill millions of civilians in the Middle World, increase domestic surveillance, and send our troops to die so a few weapons contractors and oil executives can profit, but if someone suggests that we should use our money to fund education or health care, it’s socialism and we’re all lazy moochers who just want things for free.”

I wrote, “Boycott American made products” but when a former student in my Bread & Roses Social Action Club at FDR high school responded, “”Everything I buy is from China,” I admitted that I had forgotten I was writing my comment to Americans such as him, too. I corrected myself: “Well you know what to do then, don’t you?” He wrote that he recalled it was something I had said in the Bread & Roses Club. “It was during the time we brought up buying those t-shirts, but I don’t remember.”

I joked that I was waiting for a correct answer or his membership in the club may be revoked.

“I guess it was ‘hand-make your own product,’ I think.”

“Buy Union-made, dude! LOL”, I answered, snickering more than laughing.

“Close enough for me,” he said.

“You’re fired!” I shouted.

“Now you sound like Donald Trump,” he responded without realizing that is exactly what I was trying to do. That’s America for you; so dumbed down even the minuscule number of students I agitated and educated don’t remember what for.

     Now that the G20 Summit is over, capitalist ruling class talking heads can shoot the messenger for bringing the message, they can ignore the writing on the wall, they can criticize the desperate action of people who love the earth and our people and continue to be bulls in china shops blaming the plates for crashing at their party.

     The time travelers in my third novel still haven’t met kachina in Key West. The end of the novel is in sight; maybe another one hundred pages. After they meet and travel to Cuba to meet the conquistador that brought the Moor to the New World, the kachina’s doppelganger reunites with himself to subvert the conquest as Leon, Earl Peg, and Gail’s descendants go further back, thirty-five year to 1492 to Columbus, agitate a mutiny against him, somehow remove the Canary Islands as a watering station across the Atlantic so as to delay European exploitation and annihilation of indigenous Americans. I’m not sure how that will go but that will be a book ender. The next book would start with ending European exploitation of Africa, the Crusades, the Hordes, and the fuck-offs that used Jesus' words for their own purposes.  

Wikipedia: Chinese Assassination Corps

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Chinese Assassination Corps

The Chinese Assassination Corps (or China Assassination Corps, Chinese: 支那暗殺團) was an anarchist group, active in China during the final years of the Qing dynasty. One of the first organized anarchist movements in China and fiercely anti-Manchu, it aimed to overthrow the Aisin Gioro and the Empire of China through the use of revolutionary terror.

HistoryEdit

In 1910, the left-wing Tongmenghui nationalist (and later anti-communist pro-Japanese 

collaborator and President of the Reorganized National Government of China during the

 Second Sino-Japanese War) Wang Jingwei, who had been influenced by Russian anarchism 

while studying in Japan,^[1] planned to assassinate Prince-Regent Chun (father of the young

 Xuantong Emperor). The plan, which was to be carried out in April, failed as Wang and his

 associates were arrested in Beijing in March.^[2]

In response to the plot's failure, the Chinese Assassination Corps was formed later the same 

year to carry on the imprisoned would-be assassins' mission. Founded in Hong Kong, it had

 about ten active members in the beginning, most of which were Tongmenghui activists

 disillusioned with the tactic of revolutionary mass action. Instead, they turned to individual

 action, the propaganda of the deed, in the form of assassination. This was deeply inspired

 by roughly contemporary groups like the Russian People's Will, a left-wing terrorist group 

most well known for killing Tsar Alexander II in 1881, and the Black Hand, a Serbian

 pan-Slavic nationalist organization which would later go on to trigger World War I by 

assassinating Archduke Franz Ferdinand in 1914. These first members included people 

like Ch'en Chiung-ming, Kao Chien-fu, Xie Yingbo, and Liu Shifu.^[3][4]

Liu Shifu (1884–1915) especially would go on to become prominent within the Chinese 

anarchist milieu. Having been radicalised while studying in Japan (much like Wang Jingwei),

 the Tongmenghui member was involved in several assassinations before a 1907 attempt on 

the life of a Guangdong military commander, Li Chun, cost him one of his hands and two 

years in prison after his explosive device detonated by accident. He joined the Chinese 

Assassination Corps right after his release in 1910. He would later go on to reject the tactic

of revolutionary terror, favouring instead grassroots organizing among the peasants and

 workers. Associated with Shifu was another Corps member, Xie Yingbo, who would later 

become a labor union leader and anarcho-syndicalist.^[5]

In 1911 tensions in China grew to a breaking point. This was especially the case in on the

urbanized southern Chinese coast. For example, in April 1911, the Second Guangzhou 

Uprising (led by Huang Xing) broke out – and was quickly crushed. One of the commanders

 central to putting down this revolt was the aforementioned Li Chun, who had previously been

volved in combating many revolutionary uprisings since 1907. He became a target of not

only the Chinese Assassination Corps, but another insurrectionist group as well. The 

orps' designated assassin, Lin Kuan-tz'u, joined forces with the other assassin – Ch'en 

Ching-yüeh – after realizing their common goal while tracking Li. On August 13, Lin attempted

e commander by throwing a home-made bomb at him as Li was making his way to his office. 

The explosion wounded Li and killed several of his guards, who quickly gunned down the

bomb-thrower. A waiting Ch'en was soon arrested at a secondary location, and later

executed.

On 10 October 1911, the Wuchang Uprising broke out. Considered by some historians

 to have been triggered at least partially by the Second Guangzhou Uprising, the revolt 

would itself go on to serve as the catalyst to the Xinhai Revolution. The Revolution of 1911

 first came to Guangdong on 25 October, when the new Tartar-General Feng-shan, who

had been named as a replacement for the recently assassinated Fu-ch'i, was assassinated 

within minutes of arriving in the city. The deed was the work of a group of revolutionaries

 centred on the Chinese Assassination Corps and carried out by two brothers, Li Ying-sheng 

and Li P'ei-chi, both of whom escaped.^[3]

ReferencesEdit

1. ^ Boorman, Howard L.; Howard, Richard C., eds. (1970). Biographical Dictionary of 
2. Republican China. New York City: Columbia University Press. pp. 369–370. 
3. ISBN 0231089554.
4. ^ Lee, Lily Xiao Hong; Stefanowska, A. D.; Wiles, Sue, eds. (1970). Biographical Dictionary
5.  of Chinese Women: The Twentieth Century, 1912–2000. New York City: M.E. Sharpe.
6.  p. 50. ISBN 0765607980.
7. ^ ^a b Rhoads, Edward J. M. (1975). China's Republican Revolution: The Case of 
8. Kwangtung, 1895-1913. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. pp. 196, 211 and 218.
9.  ISBN 0674119800.
10. ^ Danver, Steven L. (2010). Popular Controversies in World History: Investigating 
11. History's Intriguing Questions. Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO. pp. 125 and 170. 
12. ISBN 1598840789.
13. ^ Dirlik, Arif (1991). Anarchism in the Chinese Revolution. Berkeley: University of 
14. California Press. p. 54. ISBN 0520072979.